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All families to be eligible, regardless
of income |
72%
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To allow parents to use vouchers
only for non-religious schools |
14%
|
To require parents to come up with some tuition money
themselves
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Base: General Public (n=1200) |
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In explaining the public's comfort with including religious schools in voucher programs, the report notes, "Some parents would simply rather send their children to schools that teach religion, cannot afford to do so, and hope vouchers would make that possible." Other parents, according to the report, may be looking for elements associated with religious schools, such as discipline, uniforms, and respect. "Hallways that are orderly, students that are civil, classrooms where teachers are in control-these are the images that come to people's minds when they start talking about why religious schools should be part of the answer."
The public's sense of what would happen to public schools if they faced more competition is hard to figure out. On the one hand, there is a split on whether "teachers and administrators working in the public schools will try harder to do a good job if they see they are losing more and more kids to private schools." Forty-nine percent agree with that statement, while 47 percent disagree. On the other hand, 57 percent believe public schools spurred by competition "would fight to get better and eventually improve in order to hold on to their students."
The Big Picture
Aside from gauging opinion on the details of school choice, the survey also assesses the attitudes of Americans on some big-picture issues in education. For example, more than 6 in 10 people (62 percent) agree that the nation's public schools "have some good things about them" but need "major change." Another 16 percent think there is "so much wrong with public schools that we need to create a whole new system altogether." Finally, 19 percent believe public schools "are doing pretty well and need little change." Support for public education runs deep, with 64 percent saying the country "needs a strong public school system to stay a healthy democracy." Even so, 85 percent of respondents say the country "would be better off or it would make little difference" if "most students were attending private schools instead of public ones."
For more information on the report, Click Here to visit the Web site of the Public Agenda.
Every
once in a while, opponents of school choice take a not so subtle swipe
at private schools by suggesting they are not as effective as government
schools in transmitting democratic values and producing good citizens.
As the argument goes, when it comes to preparing productive citizens,
public schools are the true-blue American schools-the foundation of freedom-instilling
in students a knowledge of civics, a love of democracy, and a tolerance
for diversity.
Well, last month the National Center for Education Statistics released the results of an assessment of student achievement in civics, a test intended to "measure how well American youth are being prepared to meet their citizenship responsibilities." And it turns out that students in private schools scored well above the national average. As the report put it, "At all three grades [4, 8, 12], the percentages at or above each of the achievement levels were higher among students attending nonpublic schools than among their peers attending public schools." The accompanying chart shows the percentage of students at or above each of the three achievement levels established for the test: Basic (partial mastery of fundamental knowledge and skills), Proficient (solid academic performance), and Advanced (superior performance).
Based on the premise that civics education is "critical to the survival of democratic government," the test was geared to gauge the degree to which schools are producing informed, capable, and active citizens. Specifically, the assessment attempted to measure three components of "civic competency":
The knowledge component covered such concepts as civic life, politics, the foundations of government, the role of citizens, and the principles of democracy. Intellectual and participatory skills included "those skills of mind and action that allow individuals to apply civic knowledge to good effect." Finally, the civic disposition component examined whether students know and understand the importance of behaviors such as "respecting individual worth and human dignity" and "participating in civic affairs in an informed, thoughtful, and effective manner."
The NAEP 1998 Civics Report Card is available on the NCES Web site.
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Public |
Private |
Basic |
67 |
84 |
Proficient |
21 |
35 |
Advanced |
1 |
4 |
|
||
Basic |
68 |
89 |
Proficient |
20 |
40 |
Advanced |
1 |
4 |
|
||
Basic |
63 |
80 |
Proficient |
25 |
38 |
Advanced |
4 |
7 |
Basic Level... |
denotes partial mastery of the knowledge and skills fundamental for proficient work at a given grade. |
Proficient Level... |
represents solid academic performance, and competency over challenging subject matter. The proficient level is identified as the standard that all students should reach. |
Advanced Level... |
signifies superior performance at a given grade. |
Last
month Congress approved and President Clinton signed an omnibus spending
package for FY 2000, which includes $35.6 billion in funding for federal
education programs-$2.1 billion or 6.3 percent more than FY 1999.
The spending plan contains a new provision requiring school districts to offer public school choice to parents of children in chronically poor-performing Title I schools. "This is a significant step forward for Title I parents and their children," said House Education and the Workforce Committee Chairman Bill Goodling (R-PA).
The package also includes $1.3 billion, an increase of $100 million from last year, for a program to help districts reduce class size by recruiting, hiring, and training teachers. A change in the one-year-old program allows school districts to use up to 25 percent of the funds for professional development. The current cap is 15 percent. The change is significant for private schools, because to the extent a district uses these funds for the professional development of public school teachers, it must provide equitable services designed to meet the unique needs of private school teachers.
Program |
FY 1999 |
FY 2000 |
Bilingual Education |
$224.0 |
$248.0 |
Capital Expenses |
$24.0 |
$12.0 |
Class Size Reduction |
$1,200.0 |
$1,300.0 |
Education Technology (part A) |
$125.0 |
$158.7 |
Eisenhower Professional Dvlp. |
$335.0 |
$335.0 |
Goals 2000 |
$491.0 |
$491.0 |
Reading and Literacy Grants |
$260.0 |
$260.0 |
Safe and Drug Free Schools (total) |
$566.0 |
$605.8 |
Special Education (total) |
$5,334.1 |
6,036.6 |
Teacher Training in Technology |
$75.0 |
$75.0 |
Technology Literacy Challenge Fund |
$425.0 |
$425.0 |
Title I (total) |
$8,426.9 |
$8,678.9 |
Title VI |
$375.0 |
$380.0 |
Continuing
its tortuous journey through the thickets of church-state jurisprudence,
the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral arguments on December 1 in Mitchell
v. Helms, a case that will determine whether it is constitutional
for the federal government to provide computers and instructional materials
to students in religious schools. The history of the high court's decisions
on matters of government aid to religious school students is confounding.
Past rulings have allowed textbooks, for example, but have disallowed
items like globes and maps.
The blurry line between acceptable and unacceptable forms of aid apparently caused some humorous comments during the hour-long hearing. The Washington Post reported that Justice Antonin Scalia repeated the famous quip by Sen. Daniel P. Moynihan (D-N.Y.), who once asked, if textbooks are allowed and maps are not, what about an atlas, a book of maps? And Education Daily reported that when the attorney arguing against the aid conceded that the government might be able to provide musical instruments to students without violating the constitution, Chief Justice William Rehnquist got some laughs when he asked, "What if they played O Come, All Ye Faithful?"
The court's decision in the case is expected sometime before July 1, 2000.
• Making School Choice Work for All Families: A Template for Legislative and Policy Reform, by University of California School of Law professors John E. Coons and Stephen D. Sugarman, is designed to help choice advocates prepare the "detailed blueprints" for school choice initiatives. The authors, who have had considerable experience in crafting school choice initiatives, examine the pros and cons of various design elements in choice legislation, including who should receive choice scholarships, how much should the scholarships be worth, how should they be distributed, and how should participating schools be held accountable. In his foreword to this clearsighted treatise, Dr. Floyd Flake says, "This book should be considered the manual for people with a sincere interest in the choice movement."
The publication is available for $19.95 from the Pacific Research Institute by calling the publications department at 415-989-0833. It is also available online for free at the PRI Web site.
• At long last, a federal law has been passed and signed that promotes school choice for students in public or private schools. Well, sort of. Signed by President Clinton last month, the District of Columbia College Access Act of 1999 helps D.C. residents who graduate from public or private high schools expand their post-secondary options by reducing their tuition at certain public or private colleges. Students who attend public colleges in Virginia or Maryland will receive up to $10,000 per year in tuition subsidies to qualify them for the tuition rates paid by state residents, and those who attend private colleges in the D.C. area will receive up to $2,500 in assistance. When he signed the law, the president said the program will "greatly expand both public and private post-secondary opportunities for D.C. residents." The Washington Post described the new law as "part of a strategy to encourage families to remain in or move to Washington."
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